i have a dream演講稿

ihaveadream演講稿篇一：馬丁路德金_我有一個(gè)夢(mèng)想(中英文)演講稿

　　I have a Dream

　　by Martin Luther King, Jr.

　　Delivered on the steps at the Lincoln Memorial in Washington D.C. on August 28, 1963

　　Five score years ago, a great American, in whose symbolic shadow we stand signed the Emancipation Proclamation. This momentous decree came as a great beacon light of hope to millions of Negro slaves who had been seared in the flames of withering injustice. It came as a joyous daybreak to end the long night of captivity.

　　But one hundred years later, we must face the tragic fact that the Negro is still not free. One hundred years later, the life of the Negro is still sadly crippled by the manacles of segregation and the chains of discrimination. One hundred years later, the Negro lives on a lonely island of poverty in the midst of a vast ocean of material prosperity. One hundred years later, the Negro is still languishing in the corners of American society and finds himself an exile in his own land. So we have come here today to dramatize an appalling condition.

　　In a sense we have come to our nation's capital to cash a check. When the architects of our republic wrote the magnificent words of the Constitution and the declaration of Independence, they were signing a promissory note to which every American was to fall heir. This note was a promise that all men would be guaranteed the inalienable rights of life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness.

　　It is obvious today that America has defaulted on this promissory note insofar as her citizens of color are concerned. Instead of honoring this sacred obligation, America has given the Negro people a bad check which has come back marked "insufficient funds." But we refuse to believe that the bank of justice is bankrupt. We refuse to believe that there are insufficient funds in the great vaults of opportunity of this nation. So we have come to cash this check -- a check that will give us upon demand the riches of freedom and the security of justice. We have also come to this hallowed spot to remind America of the fierce urgency of now. This is no time to engage in the luxury of cooling off or to take the tranquilizing drug of gradualism. Now is the time to rise from the dark and desolate valley of segregation to the sunlit path of racial justice. Now is the time to open the doors of opportunity to all of God's children. Now is the time to lift our nation from the quicksands of racial injustice to the solid rock of brotherhood.

　　It would be fatal for the nation to overlook the urgency of the moment and to underestimate the determination of the Negro. This sweltering summer of the Negro's legitimate discontent will not pass until there is an invigorating autumn of freedom and equality. Nineteen sixty-three is not an end, but a beginning. Those who hope that the Negro needed to blow off steam and will now be content will have a rude awakening if the nation returns to business as usual. There will be neither rest nor tranquility in America until the Negro is granted his citizenship rights. The whirlwinds of revolt will continue to shake the foundations of our nation until the bright day of justice emerges.

　　But there is something that I must say to my people who stand on the warm threshold which leads into the palace of justice. In the process of gaining our rightful place we must not be guilty of wrongful deeds. Let us not seek to satisfy our thirst for freedom by drinking from the cup of bitterness and hatred.

　　We must forever conduct our struggle on the high plane of dignity and discipline. We must not allow our creative protest to degenerate into physical violence. Again and again we must rise to the majestic heights of meeting physical force with soul force. The marvelous new militancy which has engulfed the Negro community must not lead us to distrust of all white people, for many of our white brothers, as evidenced by their presence here today, have come to realize that their destiny is tied up with our destiny and their freedom is inextricably bound to our freedom. We cannot walk alone.

　　And as we walk, we must make the pledge that we shall march ahead. We cannot turn back. There are those who are asking the devotees of civil rights, "When will you be satisfied?" We can never be satisfied as long as our bodies, heavy with the fatigue of travel, cannot gain lodging in the motels of the highways and the hotels of the cities. We cannot be satisfied as long as the Negro's basic mobility is from a smaller ghetto to a larger one. We can never be satisfied as long as a Negro in Mississippi cannot vote and a Negro in New York believes he has nothing for which to vote. No, no, we are not satisfied, and we will not be satisfied until justice rolls down like waters and righteousness like a mighty stream.

　　I am not unmindful that some of you have come here out of great trials and tribulations. Some of you have come fresh

　　from narrow cells. Some of you have come from areas where your quest for freedom left you battered by the storms of persecution and staggered by the winds of police brutality. You have been the veterans of creative suffering. Continue to work with the faith that unearned suffering is redemptive.

　　Go back to Mississippi, go back to Alabama, go back to Georgia, go back to Louisiana, go back to the slums and ghettos of our northern cities, knowing that somehow this situation can and will be changed. Let us not wallow in the valley of despair.

　　I say to you today, my friends, that in spite of the difficulties and frustrations of the moment, I still have a dream. It is a dream deeply rooted in the American dream.

　　I have a dream that one day this nation will rise up and live out the true meaning of its creed: "We hold these truths to be self-evident; that all men are created equal."

　　I have a dream that one day on the red hills of Georgia the sons of former slaves and the sons of former slaveowners will be able to sit down together at a table of brotherhood.

　　I have a dream that one day even the state of Mississippi, a desert state sweltering with the heat of injustice and oppression, will be transformed into an oasis of freedom and justice.

　　I have a dream that my four children will one day live in a nation where they will not be judged by the color of their skin but by the content of their character.

　　I have a dream today.

　　I have a dream that one day the state of Alabama, whose governor's lips are presently dripping with the words of interposition and nullification, will be transformed into a situation where little black boys and black girls will be able to join hands with little white boys and white girls and walk together as sisters and brothers.

　　I have a dream today.

　　I have a dream that one day every valley shall be exalted, every hill and mountain shall be made low, the rough places will be made plain, and the crooked places will be made straight, and the glory of the Lord shall be revealed, and all flesh shall see it together.

　　This is our hope. This is the faith with which I return to the South. With this faith we will be able to hew out of the mountain of despair a stone of hope. With this faith we will be able to transform the jangling discords of our nation into a beautiful symphony of brotherhood. With this faith we will be able to work together, to pray together, to struggle together, to go to jail together, to stand up for freedom together, knowing that we will be free one day. This will be the day when all of God's children will be able to sing with a new meaning

　　My country, 'tis of thee,

　　Sweet land of liberty,

　　of thee I sing:

　　Land where my fathers died,

　　Land of the pilgrim's pride,

　　From every mountainside,

　　Let freedom ring.

　　And if America is to be a great nation this must become true. So let freedom ring from the prodigious hilltops of New Hampshire. Let freedom ring from the mighty mountains of New York. Let freedom ring from the heightening Alleghenies of Pennsylvania!

　　Let freedom ring from the snowcapped Rockies of Colorado!

　　Let freedom ring from the curvaceous peaks of California!

　　But not only that; let freedom ring from Stone Mountain of Georgia!

　　Let freedom ring from Lookout Mountain of Tennessee!

　　Let freedom ring from every hill and every molehill of Mississippi. From every mountainside, let freedom ring.

　　When we let freedom ring, when we let it ring from every village and every hamlet, from every state and every city, we will be able to speed up that day when all of God's children, black men and white men, Jews and Gentiles, Protestants and Catholics, will be able to join hands and sing in the words of the old Negro spiritual, "Free at last! free

　　at last! thank God almighty, we are free at last!"

　　１００年前，一位偉大的美國(guó)人簽署了解放黑奴宣言，今天我們就是在他的雕像前集會(huì)。這一莊嚴(yán)宣言猶如燈塔的光芒，給千百萬在那摧殘生命的不義之火中受煎熬的黑奴帶來了希望。它之到來猶如歡樂的黎明，結(jié)束了束縛黑人的漫漫長(zhǎng)夜。

　　然而１００年后的今天，我們必須正視黑人還沒有得到自由這一悲慘的事實(shí)。１００年后的今天，在種族隔離的鐐銬和種族歧視的枷鎖下，黑人的生活備受壓榨。１００年后的今天，黑人仍生活在物質(zhì)充裕的海洋中一個(gè)窮困的孤島上。１００年后的今天，黑人仍然萎縮在美國(guó)社會(huì)的角落里，并且意識(shí)到自己是故土家園中的流亡者。今天我們?cè)谶@里集會(huì)，就是要把這種駭人聽聞的情況公諸于眾。

　　就某種意義而言，今天我們是為了要求兌現(xiàn)諾言而匯集到我們國(guó)家的首都來的。我們共和國(guó)的締造者草擬憲法和獨(dú)立宣言的氣壯山河的詞句時(shí)，曾向每一個(gè)美國(guó)人許下了諾言，他們承諾給予所有的人以生存、自由和追求幸福的不可剝奪的權(quán)利。

　　就有色公民而論，美國(guó)顯然沒有實(shí)踐她的諾言。美國(guó)沒有履行這項(xiàng)神圣的義務(wù)，只是給黑人開了一張空頭支票，支票上蓋著“資金不足”的戳子后便退了回來。但是我們不相信正義的銀行已經(jīng)破產(chǎn)，我們不相信，在這個(gè)國(guó)家巨大的機(jī)會(huì)之庫里已沒有足夠的儲(chǔ)備。因此今天我們要求將支票兌現(xiàn)——這張支票將給予我們寶貴的自由和正義的保障。

　　我們來到這個(gè)圣地也是為了提醒美國(guó)，現(xiàn)在是非常急迫的時(shí)刻。現(xiàn)在決非侈談冷靜下來或服用漸進(jìn)主義的鎮(zhèn)靜劑的時(shí)候。現(xiàn)在是實(shí)現(xiàn)民主的諾言時(shí)候。現(xiàn)在是從種族隔離的荒涼陰暗的深谷攀登種族平等的光明大道的時(shí)候，現(xiàn)在是向上帝所有的兒女開放機(jī)會(huì)之門的時(shí)候，現(xiàn)在是把我們的國(guó)家從種族不平等的流沙中拯救出來，置于兄弟情誼的磐石上的時(shí)候。

　　如果美國(guó)忽視時(shí)間的迫切性和低估黑人的決心，那么，這對(duì)美國(guó)來說，將是致命傷。自由和平等的爽朗秋天如不到來，黑人義憤填膺的酷暑就不會(huì)過去。１９６３年并不意味著斗爭(zhēng)的結(jié)束，而是開始。有人希望，黑人只要撒撒氣就會(huì)滿足；如果國(guó)家安之若素，毫無反應(yīng)，這些人必會(huì)大失所望的。黑人得不到公民的權(quán)利，美國(guó)就不可能有安寧或平靜，正義的光明的一天不到來，叛亂的旋風(fēng)就將繼續(xù)動(dòng)搖這個(gè)國(guó)家的基礎(chǔ)。

　　但是對(duì)于等候在正義之宮門口的心急如焚的人們，有些話我是必須說的。在爭(zhēng)取合法地位的過程中，我們不要采取錯(cuò)誤的做法。我們不要為了滿足對(duì)自由的渴望而抱著敵對(duì)和仇恨之杯痛飲。我們斗爭(zhēng)時(shí)必須永遠(yuǎn)舉止得體，紀(jì)律嚴(yán)明。我們不能容許我們的具有嶄新內(nèi)容的抗議蛻變?yōu)楸┝π袆?dòng)。我們要不斷地升華到以精神力量對(duì)付物質(zhì)力量的崇高境界中去。

　　現(xiàn)在黑人社會(huì)充滿著了不起的新的戰(zhàn)斗精神，但是能因此而不信任所有的白人。因?yàn)槲覀兊脑S多白人兄弟已經(jīng)認(rèn)識(shí)到，他們的命運(yùn)與我們的命運(yùn)是緊密相連的`，他們今天參加游行集會(huì)就是明證。他們的自由與我們的自由是息息相關(guān)的。我們不能單獨(dú)行動(dòng)。

　　當(dāng)我們行動(dòng)時(shí)，我們必須保證向前進(jìn)。我們不能倒退。現(xiàn)在有人問熱心民權(quán)運(yùn)動(dòng)的人，“你們什么時(shí)候才能滿足？”

　　只要黑人仍然遭受警察難以形容的野蠻迫害，我們就絕不會(huì)滿足。

　　只要我們?cè)谕獗疾ǘ７Φ纳碥|不能在公路旁的汽車旅館和城里的旅館找到住宿之所，我們就絕不會(huì)滿足。

　　只要黑人的基本活動(dòng)范圍只是從少數(shù)民族聚居的小貧民區(qū)轉(zhuǎn)移到大貧民區(qū)，我們就絕不會(huì)滿足。

　　只要密西西比仍然有一個(gè)黑人不能參加選舉，只要紐約有一個(gè)黑人認(rèn)為他投票無濟(jì)于事，我們就絕不會(huì)滿足。 不！我們現(xiàn)在并不滿足，我們將來也不滿足，除非正義和公正猶如江海之波濤，洶涌澎湃，滾滾而來。 我并非沒有注意到，參加今天集會(huì)的人中，有些受盡苦難和折磨，有些剛剛走出窄小的牢房，有些由于尋求自由，曾在居住地慘遭瘋狂迫害的打擊，并在警察暴行的旋風(fēng)中搖搖欲墜。你們是人為痛苦的長(zhǎng)期受難者。堅(jiān)持下去吧，要堅(jiān)決相信，忍受不應(yīng)得的痛苦是一種贖罪。

　　讓我們回到密西西比去，回到亞拉巴馬去，回到南卡羅來納去，回到佐治亞去，回到路易斯安那去，回到我們北方城市中的貧民區(qū)和少數(shù)民族居住區(qū)去，要心中有數(shù)，這種狀況是能夠也必將改變的。我們不要陷入絕望而不克自拔。

　　朋友們，今天我對(duì)你們說，在此時(shí)此刻，我們雖然遭受種種困難和挫折，我仍然有一個(gè)夢(mèng)想，這個(gè)夢(mèng)想是深深扎根于美國(guó)的夢(mèng)想中的。

　　我夢(mèng)想有一天，這個(gè)國(guó)家會(huì)站立起來，真正實(shí)現(xiàn)其信條的真諦：“我們認(rèn)為這些真理是不言而喻的，人人生而平等。”

　　我夢(mèng)想有一天，在佐治亞的紅山上，昔日奴隸的兒子將能夠和昔日奴隸主的兒子坐在一起，共敘兄弟情誼。 我夢(mèng)想有一天，甚至連密西西比州這個(gè)正義匿跡，壓迫成風(fēng)，如同沙漠般的地方，也將變成自由和正義的綠洲。

　　我夢(mèng)想有一天、我的四個(gè)孩子將在一個(gè)不是以他們的膚色，而是以他們的品格優(yōu)劣來評(píng)價(jià)他們的國(guó)度里生活。

　　我今天有一個(gè)夢(mèng)想。我夢(mèng)想有一天，亞拉巴馬州能夠有所轉(zhuǎn)變，盡管該州州長(zhǎng)現(xiàn)在仍然滿口異議，反對(duì)聯(lián)邦法令，但有朝一日，那里的黑人男孩和女孩將能與白人男孩和女孩情同骨肉，攜手并進(jìn)。

　　我今天有一個(gè)夢(mèng)想。

　　我夢(mèng)想有一天，幽谷上升，高山下降；坎坷曲折之路成坦途，圣光披露，滿照人間。

　　這就是我們的希望。我懷著這種信念回到南方。有了這個(gè)信念，我們將能從絕望之嶺劈出一塊希望之石。有了這個(gè)信念，我們將能把這個(gè)國(guó)家刺耳的爭(zhēng)吵聲，改變成為一支洋溢手足之情的優(yōu)美交響曲。

　　有了這個(gè)信念，我們將能一起工作，一起祈禱，一起斗爭(zhēng)，一起坐牢，一起維護(hù)自由；因?yàn)槲覀冎溃K有一天，我們是會(huì)自由的。

　　在自由到來的那一天，上帝的所有兒女們將以新的含義高唱這支歌：“我的祖國(guó)，美麗的自由之鄉(xiāng)，我為您歌唱。您是父輩逝去的地方，您是最初移民的驕傲，讓自由之聲響徹每個(gè)山崗。”

　　如果美國(guó)要成為一個(gè)偉大的國(guó)家，這個(gè)夢(mèng)想必須實(shí)現(xiàn)。讓自由之聲從新罕布什爾州的巍峨的崇山峻嶺響起來！讓自由之聲從紐約州的崇山峻嶺響起來！”

　　讓自由之聲從科羅拉多州冰雪覆蓋的落基山響起來！讓自白之聲從加利福尼亞州蜿蜒的群峰響起來！不僅如此，還要讓自由之聲從佐治亞州的石嶺響起來！讓自由之聲從田納西州的了望山響起來！

　　讓自由之聲從密西西比的每一座丘陵響起來！讓自由之聲從每一片山坡響起來。

　　當(dāng)我們讓自由之聲響起來，讓自由之聲從每一個(gè)大小村莊、每一個(gè)州和每一個(gè)城市響起來時(shí)，我們將能夠加速這一天的到來，那時(shí)，上帝的所有兒女，黑人和白人，猶太教徒和非猶太教徒，耶穌教徒和天主教徒，都將手?jǐn)y手，合唱一首古老的黑人靈歌：“終于自由啦！終于自由啦！感謝全能的上帝，我們終于自由啦！”

　　THE GETTYSBURG ADDRESS

　　葛底斯堡演講詞

　　by Abraham Lincoln --亞伯拉罕.林肯

　　八十七年以前，我們的祖先在這大陸上建立了一個(gè)國(guó)家，它孕育于自由，并且獻(xiàn)身給一種理念，即所有人都是生來平等的。

　　Four score and seven years ago our fathers brought forth on this continent a new nation, conceived in Liberty, and dedicated to the proposition that all men are created equal.

　　當(dāng)前，我們正在從事一次偉大的內(nèi)戰(zhàn)，我們?cè)诳简?yàn)，究竟這個(gè)國(guó)家，或任何一個(gè)有這種主張和這種信仰的國(guó)家，是否能長(zhǎng)久存在。我們?cè)谀谴螒?zhàn)爭(zhēng)的一個(gè)偉大的戰(zhàn)場(chǎng)上集會(huì)。我們來到這里，奉獻(xiàn)那個(gè)戰(zhàn)場(chǎng)上的一部分土地，作為在此地為那個(gè)國(guó)家的生存而犧牲了自己生命的人的永久眠息之所。我們這樣做，是十分合情合理的。

　　Now we are engaged in a great civil war, testing whether that nation, or any nation so conceived and so dedicated, can long endure. We are met on a great battle-field of that war. We have come to dedicate a portion of that field as a final resting place for those who here gave their lives that that nation might live. It is altogether fitting and proper that we should do this.

　　可是，就更深一層意義而言，我們是無從奉獻(xiàn)這片土地的--無從使它成為圣地--也不能把它變?yōu)槿藗兙把鲋Ｄ切┰谶@里戰(zhàn)斗的勇士，活著的和死去的，已使這塊土地神圣化了，遠(yuǎn)非我們的菲薄能力所能左右。世人會(huì)不大注意，更不會(huì)長(zhǎng)久記得我們?cè)诖说厮f的話，然而他們將永遠(yuǎn)忘不了這些人在這里所做的事。相反，我們活著的人應(yīng)該獻(xiàn)身于那些曾在此作戰(zhàn)的人們所英勇推動(dòng)而尚未完成的工作。我們應(yīng)該在此獻(xiàn)身于我們面前所留存的偉大工作--由于他們的光榮犧牲，我們要更堅(jiān)定地致力于他們?cè)髯詈笕控暙I(xiàn)的那個(gè)事業(yè)--我們?cè)诖肆⒅拘模荒茏屗麄儼装姿廊?-要使這個(gè)國(guó)家在上帝的庇佑之下，得到新生的自由--要使那民有、民治、民享的政府不致從地球上消失。

　　But, in a larger sense, we can not dedicate-we cannot consecrate-we cannot hallow-this ground. The brave men, living and dead, who struggled here, have consecrated it, far above our poor power to add or detract. The world will little note, nor long remember what we say here, but it can never forget what they did here. It is for us the living, rather, to be dedicated here to the unfinished work which they who fought here have thus far so nobly advanced. It is rather for us to be here dedicated to the great task remaining before us-that from these honored dead we take increased devotion to that cause for which they gave the last full measure of devotion-that we here highly resolve that these dead shall not have died in vain-that this nation, under God, shall have a new birth of freedom-and that government of the people, by the people, for the people, shall not perish from the earth.