i have a dream演講稿

ihaveadream演講稿篇一：馬丁路德金_我有一個夢想(中英文)演講稿

　　I have a Dream

　　by Martin Luther King, Jr.

　　Delivered on the steps at the Lincoln Memorial in Washington D.C. on August 28, 1963

　　Five score years ago, a great American, in whose symbolic shadow we stand signed the Emancipation Proclamation. This momentous decree came as a great beacon light of hope to millions of Negro slaves who had been seared in the flames of withering injustice. It came as a joyous daybreak to end the long night of captivity.

　　But one hundred years later, we must face the tragic fact that the Negro is still not free. One hundred years later, the life of the Negro is still sadly crippled by the manacles of segregation and the chains of discrimination. One hundred years later, the Negro lives on a lonely island of poverty in the midst of a vast ocean of material prosperity. One hundred years later, the Negro is still languishing in the corners of American society and finds himself an exile in his own land. So we have come here today to dramatize an appalling condition.

　　In a sense we have come to our nation's capital to cash a check. When the architects of our republic wrote the magnificent words of the Constitution and the declaration of Independence, they were signing a promissory note to which every American was to fall heir. This note was a promise that all men would be guaranteed the inalienable rights of life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness.

　　It is obvious today that America has defaulted on this promissory note insofar as her citizens of color are concerned. Instead of honoring this sacred obligation, America has given the Negro people a bad check which has come back marked "insufficient funds." But we refuse to believe that the bank of justice is bankrupt. We refuse to believe that there are insufficient funds in the great vaults of opportunity of this nation. So we have come to cash this check -- a check that will give us upon demand the riches of freedom and the security of justice. We have also come to this hallowed spot to remind America of the fierce urgency of now. This is no time to engage in the luxury of cooling off or to take the tranquilizing drug of gradualism. Now is the time to rise from the dark and desolate valley of segregation to the sunlit path of racial justice. Now is the time to open the doors of opportunity to all of God's children. Now is the time to lift our nation from the quicksands of racial injustice to the solid rock of brotherhood.

　　It would be fatal for the nation to overlook the urgency of the moment and to underestimate the determination of the Negro. This sweltering summer of the Negro's legitimate discontent will not pass until there is an invigorating autumn of freedom and equality. Nineteen sixty-three is not an end, but a beginning. Those who hope that the Negro needed to blow off steam and will now be content will have a rude awakening if the nation returns to business as usual. There will be neither rest nor tranquility in America until the Negro is granted his citizenship rights. The whirlwinds of revolt will continue to shake the foundations of our nation until the bright day of justice emerges.

　　But there is something that I must say to my people who stand on the warm threshold which leads into the palace of justice. In the process of gaining our rightful place we must not be guilty of wrongful deeds. Let us not seek to satisfy our thirst for freedom by drinking from the cup of bitterness and hatred.

　　We must forever conduct our struggle on the high plane of dignity and discipline. We must not allow our creative protest to degenerate into physical violence. Again and again we must rise to the majestic heights of meeting physical force with soul force. The marvelous new militancy which has engulfed the Negro community must not lead us to distrust of all white people, for many of our white brothers, as evidenced by their presence here today, have come to realize that their destiny is tied up with our destiny and their freedom is inextricably bound to our freedom. We cannot walk alone.

　　And as we walk, we must make the pledge that we shall march ahead. We cannot turn back. There are those who are asking the devotees of civil rights, "When will you be satisfied?" We can never be satisfied as long as our bodies, heavy with the fatigue of travel, cannot gain lodging in the motels of the highways and the hotels of the cities. We cannot be satisfied as long as the Negro's basic mobility is from a smaller ghetto to a larger one. We can never be satisfied as long as a Negro in Mississippi cannot vote and a Negro in New York believes he has nothing for which to vote. No, no, we are not satisfied, and we will not be satisfied until justice rolls down like waters and righteousness like a mighty stream.

　　I am not unmindful that some of you have come here out of great trials and tribulations. Some of you have come fresh

　　from narrow cells. Some of you have come from areas where your quest for freedom left you battered by the storms of persecution and staggered by the winds of police brutality. You have been the veterans of creative suffering. Continue to work with the faith that unearned suffering is redemptive.

　　Go back to Mississippi, go back to Alabama, go back to Georgia, go back to Louisiana, go back to the slums and ghettos of our northern cities, knowing that somehow this situation can and will be changed. Let us not wallow in the valley of despair.

　　I say to you today, my friends, that in spite of the difficulties and frustrations of the moment, I still have a dream. It is a dream deeply rooted in the American dream.

　　I have a dream that one day this nation will rise up and live out the true meaning of its creed: "We hold these truths to be self-evident; that all men are created equal."

　　I have a dream that one day on the red hills of Georgia the sons of former slaves and the sons of former slaveowners will be able to sit down together at a table of brotherhood.

　　I have a dream that one day even the state of Mississippi, a desert state sweltering with the heat of injustice and oppression, will be transformed into an oasis of freedom and justice.

　　I have a dream that my four children will one day live in a nation where they will not be judged by the color of their skin but by the content of their character.

　　I have a dream today.

　　I have a dream that one day the state of Alabama, whose governor's lips are presently dripping with the words of interposition and nullification, will be transformed into a situation where little black boys and black girls will be able to join hands with little white boys and white girls and walk together as sisters and brothers.

　　I have a dream today.

　　I have a dream that one day every valley shall be exalted, every hill and mountain shall be made low, the rough places will be made plain, and the crooked places will be made straight, and the glory of the Lord shall be revealed, and all flesh shall see it together.

　　This is our hope. This is the faith with which I return to the South. With this faith we will be able to hew out of the mountain of despair a stone of hope. With this faith we will be able to transform the jangling discords of our nation into a beautiful symphony of brotherhood. With this faith we will be able to work together, to pray together, to struggle together, to go to jail together, to stand up for freedom together, knowing that we will be free one day. This will be the day when all of God's children will be able to sing with a new meaning

　　My country, 'tis of thee,

　　Sweet land of liberty,

　　of thee I sing:

　　Land where my fathers died,

　　Land of the pilgrim's pride,

　　From every mountainside,

　　Let freedom ring.

　　And if America is to be a great nation this must become true. So let freedom ring from the prodigious hilltops of New Hampshire. Let freedom ring from the mighty mountains of New York. Let freedom ring from the heightening Alleghenies of Pennsylvania!

　　Let freedom ring from the snowcapped Rockies of Colorado!

　　Let freedom ring from the curvaceous peaks of California!

　　But not only that; let freedom ring from Stone Mountain of Georgia!

　　Let freedom ring from Lookout Mountain of Tennessee!

　　Let freedom ring from every hill and every molehill of Mississippi. From every mountainside, let freedom ring.

　　When we let freedom ring, when we let it ring from every village and every hamlet, from every state and every city, we will be able to speed up that day when all of God's children, black men and white men, Jews and Gentiles, Protestants and Catholics, will be able to join hands and sing in the words of the old Negro spiritual, "Free at last! free

　　at last! thank God almighty, we are free at last!"

　　１００年前，一位偉大的美國人簽署了解放黑奴宣言，今天我們就是在他的雕像前集會。這一莊嚴宣言猶如燈塔的光芒，給千百萬在那摧殘生命的不義之火中受煎熬的黑奴帶來了希望。它之到來猶如歡樂的黎明，結束了束縛黑人的漫漫長夜。

　　然而１００年后的今天，我們必須正視黑人還沒有得到自由這一悲慘的事實。１００年后的今天，在種族隔離的鐐銬和種族歧視的枷鎖下，黑人的生活備受壓榨。１００年后的今天，黑人仍生活在物質充裕的海洋中一個窮困的孤島上。１００年后的今天，黑人仍然萎縮在美國社會的角落里，并且意識到自己是故土家園中的流亡者。今天我們在這里集會，就是要把這種駭人聽聞的情況公諸于眾。

　　就某種意義而言，今天我們是為了要求兌現諾言而匯集到我們國家的首都來的。我們共和國的締造者草擬憲法和獨立宣言的氣壯山河的詞句時，曾向每一個美國人許下了諾言，他們承諾給予所有的人以生存、自由和追求幸福的不可剝奪的權利。

　　就有色公民而論，美國顯然沒有實踐她的諾言。美國沒有履行這項神圣的義務，只是給黑人開了一張空頭支票，支票上蓋著“資金不足”的戳子后便退了回來。但是我們不相信正義的銀行已經破產，我們不相信，在這個國家巨大的機會之庫里已沒有足夠的儲備。因此今天我們要求將支票兌現——這張支票將給予我們寶貴的自由和正義的保障。

　　我們來到這個圣地也是為了提醒美國，現在是非常急迫的時刻。現在決非侈談冷靜下來或服用漸進主義的鎮靜劑的時候。現在是實現民主的諾言時候。現在是從種族隔離的荒涼陰暗的深谷攀登種族平等的光明大道的時候，現在是向上帝所有的兒女開放機會之門的時候，現在是把我們的國家從種族不平等的流沙中拯救出來，置于兄弟情誼的磐石上的時候。

　　如果美國忽視時間的迫切性和低估黑人的決心，那么，這對美國來說，將是致命傷。自由和平等的爽朗秋天如不到來，黑人義憤填膺的酷暑就不會過去。１９６３年并不意味著斗爭的結束，而是開始。有人希望，黑人只要撒撒氣就會滿足；如果國家安之若素，毫無反應，這些人必會大失所望的。黑人得不到公民的權利，美國就不可能有安寧或平靜，正義的光明的一天不到來，叛亂的旋風就將繼續動搖這個國家的基礎。

　　但是對于等候在正義之宮門口的心急如焚的人們，有些話我是必須說的。在爭取合法地位的過程中，我們不要采取錯誤的做法。我們不要為了滿足對自由的渴望而抱著敵對和仇恨之杯痛飲。我們斗爭時必須永遠舉止得體，紀律嚴明。我們不能容許我們的具有嶄新內容的抗議蛻變為暴力行動。我們要不斷地升華到以精神力量對付物質力量的崇高境界中去。

　　現在黑人社會充滿著了不起的新的戰斗精神，但是能因此而不信任所有的白人。因為我們的許多白人兄弟已經認識到，他們的命運與我們的命運是緊密相連的`，他們今天參加游行集會就是明證。他們的自由與我們的自由是息息相關的。我們不能單獨行動。

　　當我們行動時，我們必須保證向前進。我們不能倒退。現在有人問熱心民權運動的人，“你們什么時候才能滿足？”

　　只要黑人仍然遭受警察難以形容的野蠻迫害，我們就絕不會滿足。

　　只要我們在外奔波而疲乏的身軀不能在公路旁的汽車旅館和城里的旅館找到住宿之所，我們就絕不會滿足。

　　只要黑人的基本活動范圍只是從少數民族聚居的小貧民區轉移到大貧民區，我們就絕不會滿足。

　　只要密西西比仍然有一個黑人不能參加選舉，只要紐約有一個黑人認為他投票無濟于事，我們就絕不會滿足。 不！我們現在并不滿足，我們將來也不滿足，除非正義和公正猶如江海之波濤，洶涌澎湃，滾滾而來。 我并非沒有注意到，參加今天集會的人中，有些受盡苦難和折磨，有些剛剛走出窄小的牢房，有些由于尋求自由，曾在居住地慘遭瘋狂迫害的打擊，并在警察暴行的旋風中搖搖欲墜。你們是人為痛苦的長期受難者。堅持下去吧，要堅決相信，忍受不應得的痛苦是一種贖罪。

　　讓我們回到密西西比去，回到亞拉巴馬去，回到南卡羅來納去，回到佐治亞去，回到路易斯安那去，回到我們北方城市中的貧民區和少數民族居住區去，要心中有數，這種狀況是能夠也必將改變的。我們不要陷入絕望而不克自拔。

　　朋友們，今天我對你們說，在此時此刻，我們雖然遭受種種困難和挫折，我仍然有一個夢想，這個夢想是深深扎根于美國的夢想中的。

　　我夢想有一天，這個國家會站立起來，真正實現其信條的真諦：“我們認為這些真理是不言而喻的，人人生而平等。”

　　我夢想有一天，在佐治亞的紅山上，昔日奴隸的兒子將能夠和昔日奴隸主的兒子坐在一起，共敘兄弟情誼。 我夢想有一天，甚至連密西西比州這個正義匿跡，壓迫成風，如同沙漠般的地方，也將變成自由和正義的綠洲。

　　我夢想有一天、我的四個孩子將在一個不是以他們的膚色，而是以他們的品格優劣來評價他們的國度里生活。

　　我今天有一個夢想。我夢想有一天，亞拉巴馬州能夠有所轉變，盡管該州州長現在仍然滿口異議，反對聯邦法令，但有朝一日，那里的黑人男孩和女孩將能與白人男孩和女孩情同骨肉，攜手并進。

　　我今天有一個夢想。

　　我夢想有一天，幽谷上升，高山下降；坎坷曲折之路成坦途，圣光披露，滿照人間。

　　這就是我們的希望。我懷著這種信念回到南方。有了這個信念，我們將能從絕望之嶺劈出一塊希望之石。有了這個信念，我們將能把這個國家刺耳的爭吵聲，改變成為一支洋溢手足之情的優美交響曲。

　　有了這個信念，我們將能一起工作，一起祈禱，一起斗爭，一起坐牢，一起維護自由；因為我們知道，終有一天，我們是會自由的。

　　在自由到來的那一天，上帝的所有兒女們將以新的含義高唱這支歌：“我的祖國，美麗的自由之鄉，我為您歌唱。您是父輩逝去的地方，您是最初移民的驕傲，讓自由之聲響徹每個山崗。”

　　如果美國要成為一個偉大的國家，這個夢想必須實現。讓自由之聲從新罕布什爾州的巍峨的崇山峻嶺響起來！讓自由之聲從紐約州的崇山峻嶺響起來！”

　　讓自由之聲從科羅拉多州冰雪覆蓋的落基山響起來！讓自白之聲從加利福尼亞州蜿蜒的群峰響起來！不僅如此，還要讓自由之聲從佐治亞州的石嶺響起來！讓自由之聲從田納西州的了望山響起來！

　　讓自由之聲從密西西比的每一座丘陵響起來！讓自由之聲從每一片山坡響起來。

　　當我們讓自由之聲響起來，讓自由之聲從每一個大小村莊、每一個州和每一個城市響起來時，我們將能夠加速這一天的到來，那時，上帝的所有兒女，黑人和白人，猶太教徒和非猶太教徒，耶穌教徒和天主教徒，都將手攜手，合唱一首古老的黑人靈歌：“終于自由啦！終于自由啦！感謝全能的上帝，我們終于自由啦！”

　　THE GETTYSBURG ADDRESS

　　葛底斯堡演講詞

　　by Abraham Lincoln --亞伯拉罕.林肯

　　八十七年以前，我們的祖先在這大陸上建立了一個國家，它孕育于自由，并且獻身給一種理念，即所有人都是生來平等的。

　　Four score and seven years ago our fathers brought forth on this continent a new nation, conceived in Liberty, and dedicated to the proposition that all men are created equal.

　　當前，我們正在從事一次偉大的內戰，我們在考驗，究竟這個國家，或任何一個有這種主張和這種信仰的國家，是否能長久存在。我們在那次戰爭的一個偉大的戰場上集會。我們來到這里，奉獻那個戰場上的一部分土地，作為在此地為那個國家的生存而犧牲了自己生命的人的永久眠息之所。我們這樣做，是十分合情合理的。

　　Now we are engaged in a great civil war, testing whether that nation, or any nation so conceived and so dedicated, can long endure. We are met on a great battle-field of that war. We have come to dedicate a portion of that field as a final resting place for those who here gave their lives that that nation might live. It is altogether fitting and proper that we should do this.

　　可是，就更深一層意義而言，我們是無從奉獻這片土地的--無從使它成為圣地--也不能把它變為人們景仰之所。那些在這里戰斗的勇士，活著的和死去的，已使這塊土地神圣化了，遠非我們的菲薄能力所能左右。世人會不大注意，更不會長久記得我們在此地所說的話，然而他們將永遠忘不了這些人在這里所做的事。相反，我們活著的人應該獻身于那些曾在此作戰的人們所英勇推動而尚未完成的工作。我們應該在此獻身于我們面前所留存的偉大工作--由于他們的光榮犧牲，我們要更堅定地致力于他們曾作最后全部貢獻的那個事業--我們在此立志宣誓，不能讓他們白白死去--要使這個國家在上帝的庇佑之下，得到新生的自由--要使那民有、民治、民享的政府不致從地球上消失。

　　But, in a larger sense, we can not dedicate-we cannot consecrate-we cannot hallow-this ground. The brave men, living and dead, who struggled here, have consecrated it, far above our poor power to add or detract. The world will little note, nor long remember what we say here, but it can never forget what they did here. It is for us the living, rather, to be dedicated here to the unfinished work which they who fought here have thus far so nobly advanced. It is rather for us to be here dedicated to the great task remaining before us-that from these honored dead we take increased devotion to that cause for which they gave the last full measure of devotion-that we here highly resolve that these dead shall not have died in vain-that this nation, under God, shall have a new birth of freedom-and that government of the people, by the people, for the people, shall not perish from the earth.